AUTHOR : RFLD’s RESEARCH TEAM
The current configurations of the world of work are leading to an amplification of certain so-called structural inequalities existing between groups of players or different categories, as well as the appearance of new forms of inequality that can be described as “fractal”, and which arise within a group whose characteristics are relatively homogeneous. The aim of our development is to highlight and analyze the causes of these two types of disparity. First, we will look at the structural inequalities produced by the differential treatment of individuals according to employment status, and at their causes. Three forms of inequality relating to employment status, whose underpinnings are largely linked to the field of labour law, will be presented: inequalities arising from the exclusion of atypical workers from social protection, and those arising from differential treatment in the exercise of this work. Secondly, we will analyze the fractal inequalities that originate within the same category of people previously considered homogeneous, and propose an analysis based on questioning the causes of these inequalities for international development.
It’s no secret that inequality has once again become a hotly debated issue in African societies, both in the public arena and at home. While long-term visions pointed to an overall reduction in gender inequality, the gender scorecard for Africa over the last 20 years shows that inequality has increased in a number of areas, including income, employment and education. Indeed, the drastic increase in inequalities between men and women, measured on the basis of income and, more globally, of their standard of living within a society, cannot be dissociated from the weak response of governments to this phenomenon. Despite the many actions taken by civil society actors to discourage the evil, the silent gaze of African government authorities constitutes a wall that reinforces the malaise to the great misfortune of young girls and women. Business globalization, supported by digital globalization and the collapse of transport costs thanks to containers, is the major cause of the growth in disparities in each country, while it has undeniably contributed to the reduction of inequalities between countries. In most cases in Africa, strikers have always preceded their strikes with a comparison of their precarious living conditions with those of the country’s ruling classes. On the occasion of a demonstration in Bobo-Dioulasso, the economic capital of Burkina-Faso, for example, a union leader denounced the “generalized impoverishment” of workers, compared to the ostentatious and scandalous lifestyles of senior government officials.
The desire to increase participation and reach a national consensus on poverty reduction conceals major conflicts of interest, and is unlikely to bring much benefit to the most disadvantaged. What’s more, it’s certain that these choices are heavily contested in most poor and developing countries, and are unlikely to win consensus. For all that, forward-looking policy analysis should not only serve to explain why public policy objectives in favor of poverty eradication and gender parity are difficult to achieve, but also to explore the real opportunities that exist for such policies, and to propose intervention strategies, particularly in the face of the opposition they may arouse. While integrating issues of “tolerance of inequality”, social cohesion and political repression, the choice in favor of certain organizations would benefit from being more clearly stated. An action strategy should be defined accordingly, along the lines of what is already being done.
Inequalities resulting from exclusion from social protection
In African society, as in all Western societies, the edifice of social protection and job security is built around the worker’s attachment to the company in an employment relationship. This type of relationship is based on a principle of exchange, whereby the employee (man or woman) agrees to subordinate himself or herself to the company in the performance of work, in return for direct remuneration, or in the form of social security or protection, such as supplementary insurance schemes. For many years, this form of collective or individual organization of the employment relationship has ensured a certain degree of social cohesion, thanks to its stability and homogeneity. Leaving aside the major universal schemes such as health insurance and old-age security, the exceptional route to social protection lies in the status of salaried employee. For example, to be entitled to decent working conditions and employment insurance benefits, you must have salaried status.
However, the emergence and spread of atypical (part-time) work in recent decades has meant that this model is increasingly at odds with the reality of the African workplace as it exists today. Because of their gender, many women in Africa suffer when it comes to employment. First and foremost, they are the least treated and are often in part-time jobs while men are in full-time positions. Competition between companies in a context of globalization and the rise of new technologies means that the greater autonomy enjoyed by men in the performance of their duties far outstrips that of women.
Inequalities resulting from differential treatment of individuals in the performance of their work
The proliferation of non-standard jobs is also contributing to growing inequalities of treatment between people performing similar tasks for the same company. Indeed, no legal measure prohibits employees performing the same work from benefiting from different working conditions, for example in terms of pay or benefits, depending on whether they are full-time employees or hold another status, such as temporary, part-time or other. Such inequalities exist not only in male/female employment relationships, but also – and quite legally – in certain collective agreements.
The analyses presented in this development show that, in the prevailing labor market situation, characterized by increasing heterogeneity of challenges to employment, the causes of fractal and structural inequalities complement each other. Current labor laws and collective bargaining agreements accentuate and maintain inequalities of treatment based on employment status and gender, thus reducing the inclusion of individuals in a collective and weakening the conditions necessary to “make society” with their fellow human beings. This leads to the “de-collectivization” of work relations between the sexes, which runs counter to forms of collective inscription and then leads to a “society of individuals at work” in which solidarities break down and collective belonging disintegrates. This, in turn, generates fractal inequalities, signs of growing differentiation between individuals belonging to the same group, the source of which lies in recent transformations in the way work and production are organized.
Disparities and politics are interdependent, and often negative. “Inequalities of income” and opportunity often reflect disparities in access to political power, notes the UNDP report. Rural populations, the poor, women and marginalized ethnic groups are partly disadvantaged by the fact that they are often not well organized and their political influence is negligible. Also, at many international meetings, they are not invited to take part in making important decisions, particularly concerning the distribution of economic and social resources. Inequalities in political power, observes the WB (World Bank), “lead to the creation of institutions that perpetuate inequalities in political power, social status and ownership of wealth”.
Reorienting policies
With the aim of reducing inequalities and realizing the “progressively distributive dimensions of development at all levels”, public bodies need to prioritize the political and social inclusion of all sections of society, the extension of roads and other infrastructure into rural areas, and the formulation of job-creating economic policies.
Set up national tax systems so that wealthy taxpayers, the majority of whom are currently evading taxes, are made to pay more, thereby freeing up the additional resources needed to combat poverty and provide essential social services.
New policies would need to allocate a greater share of health-related expenditure currently devoted to the care of the most affluent patients to those most in need.
