| AUTHORS : Mrs Folashade OTOLORIN, RFLD Vice President and Mrs Colecte KPOSSOU, RFLD Chief of Operations |
| In an increasingly interconnected world, the digital age has brought forth both unprecedented opportunities and grave new threats. For women, and particularly for feminists and Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs), this paradox is acutely felt. While the internet offers vital platforms for organizing, advocating, and connecting across borders, it has simultaneously become a fertile ground for sophisticated and devastating forms of violence. Among the most insidious of these is the alarming growth of Online Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (OSEA), a pervasive shadow that specifically targets and seeks to silence the very individuals who are at the forefront of the struggle for gender equality and human rights: feminists and WHRDs. This article delves into the complex and often brutal reality of OSEA as a weaponized tool against feminist movements and WHRDs, with a particular emphasis on the unique challenges faced in Francophone Africa. We’ll unpack the diverse manifestations of OSEA, expose the patriarchal and systemic underpinnings that enable its proliferation, and examine its profound and far-reaching consequences on individuals and democratic spaces. Drawing on Afrofeminist perspectives, this analysis will argue that OSEA isn’t merely a collection of individual acts of harm but a calculated strategy to undermine feminist agency, stifle dissent, and roll back progress on gender equality. Finally, it will propose a robust framework for action, urging for comprehensive legal, technological, and societal responses rooted in human rights and justice, to reclaim digital spaces as truly empowering for all. The alarming scale of online sexual exploitation and abuse (OSEA) targeting feminists and women human rights defenders (WHRDs) across Francophone Africa is unequivocally substantiated by recent data and expert analyses. A pivotal 2020 study by Plan International, “Portraits: Girl Activists From Around The World Talk About Freedom Online”, based on a survey of 14,000 girls in 22 countries including Benin, revealed that over half (58%) experienced online harassment or abuse, with specific instances of targeting and ineffective reporting tools noted for girls in Benin. This regional reality is amplified for women in public life, as the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s (IPU) 2021 report, “Sexism, harassment and violence against women in parliaments in Africa” found a staggering 58% of African women parliamentarians had faced online attacks, directly impacting their political participation. UNESCO’s Report « The Chilling: global trends in online violence against women journalists; research discussion paper.» found that not only are states struggling to respond effectively to the proliferation of online harms, but such conduct is also frequently sponsored, supported, or amplified by high-level political leaders and state-related actors. These findings underscore the severe and widespread nature of technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV), echoing UN Women’s extensive repository and UNFPA’s brief, “Preventing Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence (TF GBV)”, which emphasize its systemic nature and how it curtails women’s rights to expression and safe digital engagement. The problem extends across the region, with Internet Without Borders’ 2019 survey, “Online gender-based violence in West and Central Africa” of 18 West and Central African countries detailing widespread sexual harassment, doxing, non-consensual intimate image (NCII) sharing, and cyberstalking against women activists, further compounded by low reporting rates. Pollicy’s 2020 study, “Online Gender-Based Violence: Focusing on Women in African Cities” from five African cities confirmed that one in three women experienced OGBV, often explicitly linked to their advocacy work.The existing legal and infrastructural landscape in Francophone Africa presents significant systemic challenges in combating OSEA. Despite the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) adopting Resolution 522 (LXXII) 2022 on the Protection of Women Against Digital Violence in Africa in 2022, explicitly outlining various manifestations like NCII and deepfakes, its underutilization persists. As detailed by CIPESA’s April 2025 analysis, “Tackling the Crisis of Digital Violence Against Women in Africa: Which Way for ACHPR Resolution 522?”, there’s an urgent need for national legislation and effective implementation of this crucial regional instrument. Media Defence’s February 2025 report, “Cybercrimes – sub-Saharan Africa” further highlights the limitations of current laws and the Malabo Convention in adequately addressing gendered forms of cybercrime, including challenges to freedom of expression and protection against abuse. Alarmingly, IFEX’s July 2023 review, “Two new reports on key issues affecting digital rights in Francophone Africa” of digital freedoms in 26 Francophone African countries points to the problematic instrumentalization of cybersecurity and disinformation laws, alongside internet shutdowns and surveillance, which disproportionately impact human rights defenders and can inadvertently facilitate OSEA by shrinking civic space. Furthermore, the persistent digital gender divide in West Africa, as evidenced by Afrobarometer data on Digital Access and Gender and analyses by the Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI)’s Gender Reports for Africa, means women often have less access to affordable internet, literacy, and secure devices, increasing their vulnerability to exploitation.Addressing this multifaceted crisis demands a comprehensive and coordinated Afrofeminist response that transcends national borders. Organizations like the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) are actively engaged in reducing digital gender inequality by improving digital skills and literacy for women journalists and activists, recognizing the link between digital access and safety. The ECOWAS Gender Development Centre (EGDC), though broader in scope, highlights regional efforts against gender-based violence and is increasingly recognizing threats in digital spaces, including for young women entrepreneurs. International IDEA’s 2024 Africa Barometer, “Women’s Political Participation” provides direct evidence of online violence serving as a new barrier to women’s political participation, emphasizing the need for targeted interventions. Against this backdrop of systemic challenges, the urgency of robust legal frameworks that align with the African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AUCEVAWG)and strong enforcement mechanisms remains paramount. Without decisive action from states and tech platforms to protect and empower feminists and WHRDs, the digital space risks becoming an ever more hostile environment, fundamentally undermining human rights and democratic progress across Francophone Africa. In Francophone Africa, the Réseau des Femmes Leaders pour le Développement (RFLD) with a strategic regional presence, including established offices in Benin, Togo, Ghana, and The Gambia, RFLD possesses unparalleled on-the-ground insight into the complex digital challenges unique to these contexts. We recognize that the OSEA epidemic in this region is not merely a technological problem but a deeply rooted issue amplified by traditional patriarchal norms and the insidious legacies of colonialism, demanding nuanced and sustained interventions. Our impact is significantly amplified through strategic engagement with key regional human rights mechanisms, underscoring our commitment to systemic change and accountability. With our Observer status with the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), RFLD actively contributes to the Commission’s vital work, including providing “shadow reports” that offer critical grassroots perspectives. Furthermore, RFLD is among the 11 Regional CSOs Members of the ACHPR Special Rapporteur Working Group on Human Rights Defenders and Reprisals in Africa. This invaluable access allows RFLD to directly advocate for stronger legal frameworks, gender-sensitive enforcement, and enhanced protection mechanisms for WHRDs, ensuring that their experiences of online targeting and exploitation are not only acknowledged but actively addressed at the highest levels of African governance. Online Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (OSEA) encompasses a wide spectrum of sexually exploitative and harmful behaviors that occur online. This includes, but isn’t limited to, online grooming, livestreaming of sexual abuse, the distribution of child sexual abuse material (CSAM), online sexual coercion and extortion, online sex trafficking, and image-based sexual abuse (IBSA), commonly known as non-consensual intimate image (NCII) sharing. While these acts are reprehensible regardless of the victim, their deployment against feminists and WHRDs takes on a distinct, politically motivated dimension. It’s an extension of offline patriarchal violence, adapted and amplified by digital tools to achieve specific strategic objectives: to intimidate, humiliate, discredit, and ultimately silence those who challenge power structures. The digital realm provides a new frontier for perpetrators, offering a veneer of anonymity and a vast reach that amplifies the intensity and impact of gender-based violence. The immediate global dissemination of harmful content, combined with the often-permanent nature of online data, means that the consequences of OSEA can be devastating and long-lasting, far beyond the initial digital encounter. For feminists and WHRDs, whose work often places them in the public eye, this amplification is particularly acute, turning their online presence into a constant source of vulnerability. The targeting of feminists and WHRDs with OSEA isn’t random. It’s a calculated strategy, deeply intertwined with existing societal power imbalances and patriarchal norms that seek to control and punish women who defy traditional gender roles. These attacks are often a response to their outspokenness, their advocacy for marginalized communities, their challenge to corrupt systems, or their leadership in social and political movements. The goal is to inflict maximum psychological and reputational damage, thereby forcing them offline, discrediting their work, and deterring others from joining their ranks.The specific manifestations of OSEA weaponized against feminists and WHRDs include non-consensual intimate image (NCII) sharing. Often dubbed “revenge porn,” this involves the distribution of private, sensitive images or videos without consent, designed to humiliate, shame, and destroy reputations. For feminists, this is frequently used not just for “revenge” in personal relationships, but as a deliberate tactic to discredit them publicly. Fabricated or authentic intimate images, sometimes obtained through hacking or coercion, are disseminated to humiliate, shame, and undermine their moral authority. The objective is to make them appear “unworthy” or “immoral,” thereby invalidating their professional and advocacy work. The pervasive nature of social media ensures that such images can go viral within minutes, inflicting irreparable harm on reputations and careers, and forcing victims into a defensive posture rather than continuing their activism. Beyond NCII, the advent of AI-driven deepfake technology has added a chilling new dimension to OSEA through deepfake abuse and synthetic media. Perpetrators can now create hyper-realistic, manipulated images or videos depicting feminists and WHRDs in sexually explicit or compromising situations that never occurred. This form of abuse is incredibly potent because it’s difficult to disprove, even when demonstrably false. It leverages visual authenticity to spread misinformation and erode public trust, making it a powerful tool for character assassination and discrediting activists in the eyes of their supporters and the broader public. The psychological trauma for the victim, seeing themselves depicted in such a violating manner, is profound. Doxing represents another grave threat, involving the malicious publication of an individual’s private and identifying information online, such as home addresses, phone numbers, family details, and places of work. For feminists and WHRDs, this is often done with the explicit intent of inciting offline harassment, stalking, or even physical violence. It removes the perceived safety of online anonymity, making them and their families vulnerable to real-world threats. The constant fear for personal safety, coupled with the invasion of privacy, can severely impede their ability to work, travel, and even live normally, effectively forcing them to withdraw from public life.While often associated with child abuse, online grooming, extortion, and sextortion tactics are increasingly used against adult feminists and WHRDs. Perpetrators may cultivate online relationships under false pretenses, gather sensitive information, and then use it to coerce sexual acts, images, or money through threats of exposure or reputational damage. For WHRDs operating in economically precarious environments, or those facing political persecution, the leverage of such threats can be immense, forcing them into unimaginable compromises to protect themselves or their loved ones. Finally, cyberstalking and hyper-harassment involve relentless online pursuit, including a barrage of unwanted messages, aggressive social media posts, constant monitoring of digital activity, and coordinated smear campaigns. While not always overtly sexual, the intent is often to create a hostile and inescapable digital environment that invades every aspect of the victim’s life. When combined with sexualized insults or threats, it becomes a deeply violating form of OSEA, aimed at eroding mental well-being and driving activists offline. These varied tactics highlight the adaptive nature of perpetrators who exploit digital tools to extend traditional forms of gender-based violence. The goal is consistent: to silence, to shame, and to stop women from challenging existing power structures. Applying an Afrofeminist lens is crucial to understanding the unique vulnerabilities and exacerbated challenges faced by feminists and WHRDs encountering OSEA in Francophone Africa. Afrofeminism recognizes that African women’s experiences are shaped by intersecting oppressions rooted in gender, race, class, colonialism, traditional norms, and often, political instability. These historical and contemporary realities are mirrored and amplified in the digital realm. Firstly, Francophone African societies, like many others, are grappling with entrenched patriarchal norms and socio-cultural taboos around gender, sexuality, and women’s roles. These norms, often reinforced by colonial-era laws and interpretations, are seamlessly replicated and amplified in online spaces. Digital abuse, such as NCII sharing or cyberbullying, can be deeply rooted in community shaming and control mechanisms. This makes it incredibly difficult for survivors to seek redress due to the fear of further stigmatization, ostracism from both online and offline communities, or even legal repercussions under often vaguely defined “morality” laws. Secondly, economic inequalities significantly impact vulnerability. While internet access is rapidly expanding in Africa, a significant digital divide persists, often disadvantaging women in terms of access to safe internet, appropriate devices, and comprehensive digital literacy training. This disparity makes them more susceptible to specific forms of exploitation. For instance, sextortion or online grooming can leverage economic desperation, with perpetrators offering financial incentives in exchange for sexual images or acts. The lack of robust digital infrastructure and high data costs in Benin, for example, can also limit access to crucial online safety resources and reporting mechanisms. A critical failure lies with global technology platforms themselves due to a linguistic and cultural contextualization gap. Many invest low amounts of resources and funding in Africa, meaning their products and moderation efforts are rarely contextualized to African markets. This includes a glaring lack of appropriate content moderation in local African languages, a failure to understand specific internet usage patterns (e.g., prevalence of feature phones, intermittent connectivity), and a general ignorance of local cultural nuances that inform online harassment. This gap allows harmful content targeting African feminists to proliferate unchecked, as reports often go unaddressed due to language barriers or a lack of understanding of local dynamics of abuse. Furthermore, the weak legal frameworks and enforcement capacity across many Francophone African countries to address cybercrime and gender-based violence often lag behind the rapid evolution of digital threats. Where laws exist, their enforcement is severely limited by a critical lack of specialized digital forensics expertise, insufficient gender-sensitive training for police and judges, and ambiguous legal definitions of online offenses. This often results in the trivialization of online violence by authorities, poor punitive action against perpetrators, and tragically, instances where survivors are blamed, shamed, or even criminalized for having their information or images shared without their consent. This systemic failure to protect survivors perpetuates impunity. Feminists and WHRDs in Francophone Africa are also prime targets for state-sponsored and politically motivated attacks. Their work often places them at the forefront of challenging authoritarian regimes, advocating for democratic reforms, and exposing corruption. This makes them vulnerable to OSEA campaigns designed to silence their critical voices and deter their participation in public discourse. These attacks, often coordinated by “troll farms” or state-affiliated actors, directly undermine democratic processes, restrict freedom of expression, and create a chilling effect that discourages other women from entering public and political life. Finally, the inherently trans-border nature of digital violence, coupled with the anonymity it can offer, immensely complicates prosecution and makes holding perpetrators accountable across jurisdictions a monumental challenge. This systemic impunity fosters an environment where digital predators and political operatives can operate with little fear of consequences, reinforcing the cycles of violence and making the digital space increasingly unsafe for women, especially those in leadership and advocacy roles. The impacts of OSEA on feminists and WHRDs are multi-layered and devastating, extending far beyond the immediate psychological trauma. On individuals, victims often experience severe anxiety, depression, PTSD, panic attacks, and suicidal ideation. The feeling of invasion, humiliation, and lack of control can be profoundly debilitating. OSEA can destroy careers, lead to job loss, and severely limit economic opportunities; for activists dependent on public trust, reputational damage can effectively end their advocacy. Doxing and online threats frequently spill over into real-world stalking and physical assaults, forcing victims to alter their daily routines, relocate, or live in constant fear. Ultimately, many victims are forced to self-censor, reduce their online presence, or withdraw entirely from public life, limiting their activism and effectively silencing their voices, which is a primary goal of the perpetrators. On feminist movements and WHRDs as a whole, the pervasive nature of OSEA can create an environment of fear and mistrust within these movements, making collaboration and collective action more challenging. Time, energy, and financial resources that could be used for advocacy are often diverted to managing the crisis, seeking legal recourse, or providing psychosocial support to victims. The high-risk environment created by OSEA can also deter new activists from joining feminist movements, particularly young women, who witness the brutal targeting of their predecessors.At a societal and democratic level, when women are driven offline due to OSEA, it exacerbates the existing digital gender divide, limiting their participation in the digital economy, access to information, and civic engagement. The weaponization of OSEA directly infringes upon fundamental human rights to freedom of expression and association, essential for a functioning democracy. The pervasive lack of accountability for perpetrators normalizes online violence, sending a dangerous message that such acts are without consequence, thereby perpetuating a cycle of abuse. When women, particularly those challenging power, are systematically silenced through OSEA, it narrows the democratic space and undermines efforts towards inclusive governance and social justice.Addressing the complex challenge of OSEA against feminists and WHRDs in Francophone Africa requires a multi-pronged, intersectional, and Afrofeminist approach. This response must be rooted in human rights principles, prioritize survivor agency, and challenge the systemic power imbalances that enable such violence.To strengthen legal and policy frameworks, Francophone African countries must enact and rigorously enforce comprehensive laws specifically criminalizing all forms of OSEA, with clear definitions that encompass the online-offline continuum of harm (doxing, deepfakes, NCII sharing, online harassment). These laws must be gender-sensitive, human-rights compliant, and avoid vague provisions that could be used to criminalize victims or legitimate speech. Simultaneously, significant investment is needed in specialized training for law enforcement, prosecutors, and judges on digital forensics, cybercrime investigation techniques, and the complexities of OSEA. This must include mandatory gender-sensitive training to eliminate victim-blaming, ensure survivor-centered approaches, and promote understanding of the political motivations behind attacks on WHRDs. Enhancing cross-border cooperation in investigating and prosecuting OSEA cases is also crucial, recognizing the transnational nature of digital harm and facilitating mutual legal assistance across African nations and with international partners. Furthermore, accessible, confidential, and effective reporting mechanisms for survivors must be established, ensuring immediate legal aid, psychosocial support, and pathways to redress without fear of further victimization or legal repercussions. Legal frameworks should also facilitate quick content removal and identity protection for survivors. Regarding holding technology platforms accountable, it’s imperative to demand that global technology platforms invest significantly more resources in content moderation teams that are geographically located in Africa, possess deep understanding of African languages (including local dialects and slang), cultural nuances, and specific patterns of abuse prevalent in the region. This requires a substantial increase in human moderators, not just AI-driven solutions. Advocacy for transparency in the algorithms used by platforms that might amplify harmful content, silence marginalized voices, or inadvertently create avenues for abuse is also vital. This includes demanding regular, independent audits of these algorithms for gender, racial, and political biases that disproportionately affect feminists and WHRDs. Platforms must also be pushed towards user-centric design that prioritizes user safety and well-being, particularly for women and girls, incorporating easy-to-use, robust reporting tools with clear feedback mechanisms, stronger default privacy settings, and proactive measures to detect and remove harmful content. Finally, global tech giants must be called upon to allocate a fair share of their massive profits into African digital safety initiatives, digital literacy programs tailored to the continent’s diverse needs, and local tech ecosystems that prioritize human rights and gender equality in their product development.In terms of digital literacy, empowerment, and counter-narratives, widespread digital literacy programs that go beyond basic usage should be implemented. These programs need to include critical thinking about online content, understanding privacy and safety settings, recognizing online grooming tactics, and knowing how to report abuse effectively. Crucially, these programs must be tailored to diverse age groups, socio-economic contexts, and abilities across Francophone Africa, integrating traditional forms of knowledge and communication where appropriate. Developing and promoting accessible online and offline resources for survivors of OSEA is also essential, including specialized helplines, trauma-informed psychosocial support, legal advice, digital security guidance (e.g., how to secure accounts, remove content), and peer support networks. Fostering a culture of responsible and respectful online behavior among all users is key, actively promoting positive masculinities, challenging harmful online norms, and educating young men and boys about consent, gender equality, and the devastating impact of OSEA. Finally, supporting feminist organizations and WHRDs in developing strong counter-narratives to online smear campaigns and OSEA is vital, including funding initiatives that amplify their voices, promote positive media representation, and build digital resilience skills within communities. For research, data collection, and advocacy, investing in robust, gender-disaggregated, and intersectional data collection on OSEA in Francophone Africa is paramount. This data must ethically capture the experiences of diverse women and girls, including those with disabilities, LBTIQ+ individuals, rural women, and women in public life, ensuring their unique vulnerabilities are understood and addressed. Supporting African-led research into the specific manifestations, impacts, and perpetrators of OSEA in various national and local contexts is also crucial, informing evidence-based policy and programmatic responses that are culturally relevant and effective. Finally, fostering stronger pan-African feminist networks is vital to collectively advocate for digital justice, share best practices, and hold regional and international bodies accountable for their commitments to human rights and gender equality in the digital sphere. Engaging actively in national, regional, and global internet governance forums to ensure human rights-based approaches to digital policy, with a strong emphasis on balancing freedom of expression with safety and protection from harm for women, will be critical. The battle against Online Sexual Exploitation and Abuse targeting feminists and Women Human Rights Defenders in Francophone Africa is a critical frontier in the broader fight for human rights, gender equality, and democratic integrity. The digital revolution, while holding immense promise, has simultaneously laid bare and exacerbated existing inequalities and patriarchal structures, creating new and devastating avenues for violence against women and girls who dare to speak truth to power. The profound impacts, ranging from severe psychological trauma and reputational ruin to threats to physical safety and the forced withdrawal from public life, underscore the urgency of a coordinated and comprehensive response. An Afrofeminist vision for digital justice isn’t merely aspirational; it is imperative for the survival and flourishing of feminist movements in the region. It demands a fundamental re-evaluation of how technology is developed, regulated, and used, ensuring that it genuinely serves human well-being, dignity, and liberation over corporate profit or political control. This requires strengthening gender-sensitive legal frameworks, holding powerful technology platforms accountable for their impact in Africa, investing in comprehensive digital literacy and survivor support, and fostering rigorous, ethically collected Afrofeminist data. Crucially, it calls for unwavering collective action and pan-African solidarity, leveraging the power of vibrant feminist networks to advocate for a human rights-based approach to internet governance that centers the safety and empowerment of women. The challenge is immense, the perpetrators are often well-resourced, and the digital landscape is constantly evolving. However, the resolve of feminist advocates across Francophone Africa is unwavering. By consciously addressing the complexities of OSEA, dismantling the patriarchal structures and technological failures that enable it, and advocating for an internet that prioritizes safety, dignity, and equality for all, Africa can lead the way in crafting a truly liberated and equitable digital future. This is the urgent work of our time: to reclaim digital spaces, redefine progress, and ensure justice for every woman and girl, especially those on the frontlines of defending human rights, online and offline. |
