The fight against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) and Trafficking in Persons (TIP) in West Africa represents one of the most profound human rights challenges of our time. These egregious violations, deeply intertwined with poverty, conflict, and entrenched social inequalities, devastate individual lives, fragment families, undermine social cohesion, and critically impede sustainable development across the entire region. The sheer scale of the problem is alarming, affecting millions annually. Globally, for instance, it is estimated that nearly one in three women has been subjected to sexual or intimate partner violence in her lifetime, a pervasive reality that casts a long shadow over progress in many West African nations.
The devastating impact of SGBV extends far beyond individual suffering, inflicting significant economic costs that hinder national development.1 Research indicates that in some countries, the cumulative burden of violence against women is estimated to cost up to 3.7% of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This financial drain diverts crucial resources from vital public services like education and healthcare, exacerbates poverty, and reduces overall productivity, demonstrating that addressing SGBV is not just a human rights imperative but an economic necessity.2
Compounding these challenges, human trafficking remains a rampant issue across West Africa, a region characterized by dynamic population movements, porous borders, and significant economic disparities. The 2024 UNODC Global Report on Trafficking in Persons offers stark insights into this modern form of slavery, revealing that children now represent nearly 40% of all identified victims worldwide, and women and girls constitute 61% of detected victims globally, with most trafficked for sexual exploitation. It is within this complex, urgent, and resource-strained context that Francophone feminist movements, including prominent organizations like the Réseau des Femmes Leaders pour le Développement (RFLD) based in Benin, have emerged as pivotal actors, strategically leveraging the African Union (AU) human rights instruments to drive tangible accountability and action.
A cornerstone of the African continent’s comprehensive legal framework for human rights is the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, universally known as the Maputo Protocol.3 Adopted in 2003 and entering into force in 2005, it stands as arguably the most progressive legal instrument for women’s rights globally. Its genesis was deeply rooted in the advocacy of African feminist movements who recognized the need for an instrument that specifically and comprehensively addressed the unique challenges faced by women on the continent, going beyond the general provisions of the African Charter.
As of August 8th, 2025, the Maputo Protocol has achieved significant traction across the African continent, with 46 member states ratifying the landmark agreement. This widespread ratification underscores a strong continental commitment to advancing women’s rights. However, the ratification landscape reveals a nuanced picture. A substantial majority of African nations, have formally committed to the protocol’s principles, signaling a collective move towards gender equality. Yet, a few nations, namely Egypt and Morocco, have not signed the protocol, while others, such as Burundi, Chad, and Sudan, have signed but not yet ratified it. The Maputo Protocol itself is a testament to the success of Afro-feminist advocacy. It addresses a wide range of issues critical to women’s lives, including the right to dignity, equality, reproductive health, and freedom from violence. It explicitly condemns harmful traditional practices, such as female genital mutilation and child marriage, and calls for the elimination of discriminatory laws and policies. The protocol’s emphasis on the intersectionality of women’s experiences and its recognition of the importance of cultural context have been key factors in its relevance and effectiveness. Afro-feminist movements have been instrumental in pushing for the ratification of the Maputo Protocol by African states. They have engaged in strategic advocacy campaigns, targeting governments, regional bodies, and international organizations. Their efforts have included lobbying, public awareness campaigns, and community mobilization. They have also worked to build alliances with other civil society organizations and international partners, creating a powerful coalition for change. The ratification process has not been without its challenges. Some states have expressed reservations about certain provisions of the protocol, citing cultural or religious concerns.
Francophone feminist movements in West Africa, such as RFLD, have been instrumental in advocating for both the ratification and subsequent domestication of the Maputo Protocol within their respective countries.
The Protocol’s unique and explicit condemnation of “harmful practices” such as Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and early marriage (Article 5) provides crucial legal leverage for these movements. Despite decades of activism and some progress, FGM remains prevalent in several Francophone West African countries. For instance, rates are alarmingly high in countries such as Guinea (95%) and Sierra Leone (90%), highlighting the persistent cultural and social barriers. Globally, UNICEF updated the figure in 2024 to over 230 million women and girls affected by FGM/C, underscoring the urgency of consistent advocacy and legal enforcement by groups like RFLD.
Child marriage is another devastating harmful practice that continues to plague the region, robbing millions of girls of their childhoods, education, and autonomy. Francophone feminist movements actively use the Maputo Protocol to challenge customary laws that perpetuate this practice and advocate for minimum marriage ages in national legislation. The prevalence rates in West Africa are among the highest globally. West and Central Africa carries the highest burden of child marriage globally, with four out of ten girls in the region being married before their 18th birthday. This translates to nearly 60 million child brides. Niger stands out with the highest prevalence rate at 76.0%, followed by Chad and the Central African Republic both at 61.0%, Mali at 54.0%, and Burkina Faso at 51.0%. In terms of absolute numbers, Nigeria accounts for the largest share in the region with an estimated 23,700,000 child brides, followed by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (8,000,000), Niger (5,500,000), Burkina Faso (3,000,000), and Cameroon (2,800,000). The issue is often exacerbated by poverty, lack of education, and humanitarian crises, with rural areas and the poorest households experiencing significantly higher rates. Feminist organizations meticulously document these realities, submitting shadow reports to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to scrutinize state compliance and expose implementation gaps, ensuring accountability beyond mere ratification.5
Building upon the Maputo Protocol, the recent African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AUCEVAWG) marks a significant advancement in the continental legal framework.6 Adopted in February 2025 at the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, this more specific instrument aims to further solidify legally binding obligations on states to prevent and eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls. Francophone feminist movements were actively involved in advocating for its development and adoption, contributing their expertise to ensure its comprehensive nature, which includes detailed guidance on specific forms of violence, emerging threats like cyber-violence, and the provision of multi-sectoral services for survivors.
The adoption of AUCEVAWG represents a new frontier for feminist advocacy in West Africa. The immediate focus for these movements is now on urging their respective governments to sign and ratify this new Convention promptly, as it shall enter into force thirty (30) days after the deposit of the instruments of ratification or accession by fifteen (15) Member States of the African Union. They understand that every additional ratification strengthens the collective regional commitment and creates new avenues for accountability. Their advocacy for integrated national responses to SGBV is critically bolstered by data; a February 2025 cross-national study across 25 Sub-Saharan African countries revealed that 44.94% of women reported experiencing at least one form of Gender-Based Violence (GBV), underscoring the urgent need for robust implementation of such conventions at the national level.
Beyond these explicit women’s rights protocols, Francophone feminist movements strategically employ broader AU human rights frameworks to champion gender justice. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, adopted in 1981 and ratified by all AU member states, serves as the foundational bedrock for human rights on the continent.7 Feminist legal advocates utilize the African Charter in conjunction with the Maputo Protocol to argue for a broader interpretation of human rights that fully encompasses gender equality. They bring cases before national courts and, in some instances, before the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, arguing that SGBV and TIP constitute violations of fundamental rights guaranteed by the Charter, demonstrating how the failure to protect women from violence directly undermines their rights to health, education, economic participation, and even life itself.
The African Youth Charter, adopted in 2006, is another crucial instrument actively leveraged by these movements. Recognizing the unique vulnerabilities of adolescents and young women to SGBV and TIP, particularly in contexts of limited access to education and economic opportunities, they advocate for age-appropriate interventions and the empowerment of young women as agents of change. This includes pushing for comprehensive sexuality education that addresses gender norms and power dynamics, demanding safe learning environments free from school-related gender-based violence (SRGBV), and ensuring young people have access to information and services that protect them from early marriage and sexual exploitation.
Furthermore, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), ratified by 34 AU Member States as of February 2025, is integral to their efforts. Francophone feminist movements understand that good governance, the rule of law, and strong democratic institutions are fundamental to effectively addressing SGBV and TIP. Weak governance, corruption, and a lack of accountability create fertile ground for these human rights abuses to flourish. They advocate for greater transparency and accountability in governance, especially concerning resource allocation for gender equality initiatives and the prosecution of SGBV and TIP cases.8 They tirelessly push for increased women’s political participation, arguing that a meaningful presence of women in decision-making bodies at all levels – from local councils to national parliaments – leads to more gender-responsive laws, policies, and budgets. While women’s representation in African parliaments has seen an increase to 25% in 2024, significant gaps remain, with projections indicating that gender parity in parliaments will not be achieved until 2100, underscoring the persistent challenges in achieving equitable representation.
The escalating humanitarian crises and forced displacement in West Africa have made the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention) a critically relevant instrument in the fight against SGBV and TIP. As of September 2024, 34 of the 55 African Union Member States are party to the Kampala Convention, which obliges signatory states to protect and assist IDPs. This is particularly vital in Francophone West Africa, where ongoing conflicts, violence, and the increasing impacts of climate change are driving significant internal displacement, creating acute vulnerabilities for women and girls.
The scale of displacement in the region profoundly highlights the Convention’s urgent relevance. The West and Central Africa region is expected to see 14.3 million forcibly displaced and stateless people in 2024, with 8.2 million being internally displaced persons. Within this crisis, the Central Sahel region alone, encompassing Francophone countries like Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, accounts for at least 3.1 million IDPs. Women and girls within these displaced populations face disproportionately high risks of SGBV, including sexual exploitation and abuse by armed groups and humanitarian actors, forced marriage as a coping mechanism, and gender-based violence in overcrowded camps and along dangerous transit routes.9
Francophone feminist movements leverage the Kampala Convention to advocate for gender-sensitive humanitarian responses. This includes demanding explicit protection measures, ensuring access to essential services such as safe shelter, comprehensive health services (including sexual and reproductive health), and psychosocial support for survivors. They also push for legal assistance and accountability mechanisms for abuses occurring in displacement settings. Furthermore, these movements advocate for the protection of displaced women’s housing, land, and property rights, recognizing that the loss of these fundamental rights can significantly exacerbate their vulnerability to further exploitation and trafficking.
Beyond policy advocacy, feminist movements like Réseau des Femmes Leaders pour le Développement (RFLD) engages in crucial on-the-ground interventions.10 We establish and operate safe houses and shelters for SGBV survivors and TIP victims, offering a lifeline to those fleeing abuse. We provide essential direct services, including pro bono legal aid, medical assistance, and psychosocial support to help survivors heal and seek justice.11 Furthermore, we conduct extensive community-level awareness campaigns in local languages, often engaging traditional and religious leaders, as well as male allies, to shift harmful social norms and promote gender equality.12 The use of technology, such as hotlines for reporting violence and digital awareness campaigns, is also becoming increasingly vital in reaching vulnerable populations. UNICEF’s global efforts, for example, demonstrate the scale of care services, with nearly 23 million women and girls reached in 77 countries in 2023 with care services related to gender-based violence, a testament to the broad network of support, which feminist organizations often lead or significantly contribute to.
Despite their tireless efforts and the robust legal frameworks of the AU, Francophone feminist movements in West Africa face persistent and formidable challenges. Deeply ingrained patriarchal resistance and often weak political will continue to hinder the full domestication and enforcement of ratified AU instruments. While a substantial number of AU member states have ratified the Maputo Protocol and other key conventions, their provisions frequently remain unimplemented or severely under-resourced at the national level, creating a significant and frustrating gap between legal commitment and the lived reality of women and girls. This resistance is also clearly manifested in the slow pace of women’s political empowerment; despite a promising rise in women’s parliamentary representation in Africa to 25% in 2024, International IDEA projects that at this current rate, gender parity in parliaments will not be achieved until 2100, underscoring the enduring structural inequalities that impede progress.
A particularly acute challenge is the underfunding of gender equality initiatives and SGBV response mechanisms.13 These movements actively push for gender-responsive budgeting, ensuring that national budgets truly reflect commitments to women’s rights and SGBV prevention and response. This is a critical area of advocacy because, despite the clear and urgent need, developing countries face a staggering annual shortfall of USD 420 billion in funding needed to achieve gender equality under the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Moreover, global analysis reveals that only one in four countries globally has a system in place to track how public funds are allocated to gender equality, underscoring the immense challenge in ensuring financial accountability for gender justice. Without adequate financial investment and transparent tracking, even the most progressive laws risk remaining ineffective.
These challenges are often reflected in country-specific data. While a February 2025 study showed that 44.94% of women across 25 Sub-Saharan African countries reported experiencing at least one form of GBV, the prevalence varies significantly, with Benin at 40.98% and Sierra Leone at 60.27%, indicating diverse national contexts. In countries like Niger and Mali, despite legal efforts, the deeply entrenched practice of child marriage remains exceptionally high.14 Conversely, some Francophone countries have made strides in legal reform against FGM or child marriage, such as Burkina Faso, which has actively prosecuted cases, or Senegal, which has implemented awareness campaigns. However, the persistent gap between legislation and its full enforcement due to cultural resistance, weak judicial systems, and insufficient resources remains a significant hurdle that local feminist organizations tirelessly work to bridge.
The collective power of Francophone feminist movements is amplified through robust networks forged among civil society organizations, private sector actors, and grassroots movements, both nationally and across West Africa.15 This collaborative approach enhances knowledge sharing, facilitates coordinated action against cross-border issues like human trafficking, and strengthens their collective voice on regional platforms. By empowering smaller, local organizations through sub-granting mechanisms and capacity building, they ensure that diverse voices are heard and that interventions are culturally appropriate and context-specific. This unified front is essential for holding governments accountable for their commitments under AU instruments, transforming international and regional mandates into tangible, life-saving outcomes for women and girls across West Africa.
The relentless dedication of Francophone feminist movements, strategically armed with the progressive tools of the African Union, is indispensable in the urgent fight against SGBV and TIP in West Africa. Their work, profoundly rooted in the lived realities of women and girls, utilizing rigorous data-driven advocacy, and driven by formidable collective power, is slowly but surely chipping away at deeply entrenched systems of violence and exploitation.18 However, the scale of the challenge remains immense, as evidenced by the fact that 44.94% of women across 25 Sub-Saharan African countries reported experiencing at least one form of GBV as recently as February 2025.
To accelerate progress and truly turn the tide against SGBV and TIP, a greater and more consistent commitment from national governments across West Africa is urgently required. This commitment must encompass not only the ratification of AU instruments but also their full domestication into national law, coupled with adequate budgetary allocation for implementation, and rigorous enforcement by effective, gender-sensitive justice systems. Beyond these legal and financial measures, there is an imperative to dismantle the patriarchal structures and discriminatory norms that continue to fuel violence and exploitation.
